Category Archives: Politics

The problematization of a pandemic: COVID-19 and ‘bedspace’

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At present, humanity is embarking upon the greatest experiment ever undertaken: ‘flattening the curve.’ How can we understand this experiment?

We could start by asking how it aligns with the traditional experimental method. Here, the independent variable could be conceived as quarantine, the dependent variable could be conceived as the case numbers of COVID-19 in the population, and among the many controlled variables we could identify, the current and static capacity of hospitals and the health care workforce would certainly rank among the most important.

Holding hospital capacity constant, this experiment endeavors to slow the spread of the virus in the population by minimizing contact among individuals and, in doing so, avoid deaths that would occur as a result of overwhelmed hospitals and health care workers. Much attention is paid to the independent variable: quarantine and its social, psychological and economic effects. Equal attention is given to the dependent variable – case numbers and mortality rates. But what can we say about the controlled variable?

A brief interlude: in 2016, Damian Collins, Jalene Anderson and I published a paper examining how chronic homelessness was increasingly being re-interpreted as a costly social problem. The term ‘how’ in the preceding sentence is instructive: the focus of our analysis was how chronic homelessness itself was rendered visible in a new way, as an economic cost borne by law enforcement, emergency responders and hospitals. We were interested in what steps facilitated the translation of chronic homelessness into the economic discourse of health care administration and then back into the discourse of public policy.

Our paper examined a remarkable 5-city randomized, controlled field trial called At Home/Chez Soi which tested the efficacy of the Housing First model in Canada. Counting the number of nights spent in hospital beds and the cost to the health care system was a key component of the field trial. These numbers translated patterns of chronic homelessness into costs borne by health care administrators. Moreover, these numbers facilitated political power. They rendered chronic homelessness representable as a cost, and hence ‘workable’ in a political climate valuing financial risk mitigation.

We called this chain of translation ‘bedspace’, a label we associated with rise of an influential style of political reasoning that has come to dominate contemporary homelessness policy. Bedspace, as we describe in the paper, is a space of calculability across which references to the economic costs of homelessness are made and circulate, one that brings homelessness into the domain of risk management.

In what ways can we extend the concept beyond homelessness policy to the COVID-19 pandemic, a contemporary moment in which hospital beds hold such significance?

As in the case of homelessness, bedspace could be seen as a mode of problematizing COVID-19. However, unlike the case of homelessness, where bedspace linked extreme housing insecurity to economic costs borne by society, bedspace, in our current moment, links unchecked viral transmission with the human cost of COVID-19.

In both cases, ‘beds’ – in terms of their numbers – serve as a key intermediary. But where bedspace, in the homelessness example, rendered chronic homelessness into an economic metric connected to the logic of budgetary prudence and cost containment, in the case of COVID-19, bedspace renders the spread of the virus into an estimation of preventable deaths, a calculation connected to humanitarianism and the wider legitimacy of the state itself.

While qualitatively different, both examples demonstrate the centrality of bedspace to the rationality of government. As an administrative grid of intelligibility, bedspace renders problems visible in a way that is amenable to the government of risk understood in financial terms or humanitarian terms. Both reveal an inner connection between the state, the population, and hospital medicine.

Bedspace certainly draws attention to an external referent, i.e. actual hospital beds; however, the greater theoretical purchase here, I believe, is conceiving bedspace as an epistemic geography, a kind of epistemological grid through which governing and the state is itself understood at key moments of uncertainty.

Canada’s Long-Awaited National Housing Strategy: Initial Thoughts

On November 22, 2017 Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Liberal government announced a National Housing Strategy aimed at addressing affordability problems in the Canadian housing system, primarily among low-income households.

The Liberal strategy aims to add 100,000 new affordable units to the Canadian housing system and lift 530,000 families out of core housing need.

Recent census data shows that in 2016 1,775,570 rental households spent more than 30% of their income on shelter (a common measure of affordability). Of these households, 282,825 were living in subsidized housing and 1,536,740 were not.

Clearly, the need exceeds the supports that will roll out over the next 10 years therefore targeting of some kind will be necessary.  One rationale could be the prioritization of households with children. A recent Statistics Canada report showed that 1.2 million Canadian children live in low income households representing almost 1/4 of all low income individuals. This approach could make a significant impact as far as reducing child poverty is concerned.

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Homeownership: Dwelling in the Commodity Form

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I’m embarking upon a book project with the tentative title Homeownership: Dwelling in the Commodity Form. The general topic of the book will be housing. Why? Housing is vital in every sense of the word. It is a fundamental locus of human experience, a powerful spatial form that structures social relations, and a storehouse of wealth. These three themes – dwelling, norms, value – will structure the book’s inquiry. This much I know.

But I’m unsure about the book’s empirical focus, scope and argumentation (although the tentative title offers a hint regarding the direction I’m going). Time and again I’ve been returning to a mantra posed by Peter Sloterdijk (2009, 1): “humans are themselves an effect of the space they create.” Well, what can we learn about the being of being human from the domestic spaces we (N. America) have created? The detached single family home, the row house, the apartment, the hotel, the recreational vehicle, the tent, the emergency shelter, the street…

I’m using the medium of this blog to think ‘out loud,’ refine ideas, and archive material. Comments, suggestions, critiques are welcome.

References

Sloterdijk, P. (2009) Spheres Theory: Talking to Myself About the Poetics of Space. Harvard Design Magazine, Spring/Summer, no. 30, 1-8

The Epistemic Geographies of Homelessness

For the last couple of years I have been working to better understand the epistemic geographies constituting the politics of homelessness in Canada. After following the rise of policy models such as Housing First it became more apparent to me that calculative practices, particularly ones that measure social costs, have proven instrumental in transforming social service systems addressing chronic homelessness. Damian Collins and Jalene Anderson (both at the University of Alberta) and I recently published an article in Social Science & Medicine – entitled Homelessness, Bedspace and the Case for Housing First in Canada – that offers a preliminary attempt at mapping this calculative geography. We arrived at the term ‘bedspace’ to describe this political spatiality. Abstract and link to the article is below.

Homelessness, Bedspace and the Case for Housing First in Canada

Abstract

The act of problem formation is integral to the policymaking process. Moreover, the process by which certain situations, experiences or events are rendered problematic hinges upon the places, spaces and networks through which the issue is made visible and intelligible to policy makers and decision makers. In this paper, we explore these epistemic geographies by unpacking one such example e the Mental Health Commission of Canada’s At Home/Chez Soi study, a federally funded, $110 million field trial of the Housing First (HF) model. HF prioritizes rapid rehousing of the chronically homeless, followed by separate support and treatment services. The model has become widespread in Canada since 2005, based in large part on understandings of its cost-effectiveness. In this article, we utilize At Home/Chez Soi as an illustrative case for examining how ‘chronic homelessness’ is translated into a discourse of costs and benefits, and given an accounting value, through a series of translations. This problematization advances a particular logic, what we refer to as ‘bedspace’.

Debt Crisis on the Horizon?

Authentic or alarmist? This is the question Canadians are asking themselves when it comes to concerns being raised regarding record levels of consumer debt and the recent rate hike by the U.S. Federal Reserve.

Daniel Tencer contends that “35 years of economic history is coming to an end.

Neil MacDonald says “America has had its housing ‘correction,’ ours is yet to come.”

Barrie McKenna and Tamsin McMahon describe the Bank of Canada’s “angst” regarding a “housing crash.”

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First as tragedy, then as farce

As oil prices continue to hover around $40 a barrel, and the unemployment rate creeps higher each month, a correction in the Alberta housing market is in full swing. In Calgary, home sales are down 28% and home prices have dropped 5% from November 2014. In Fort McMurray, home sale prices have dropped more than $117,000.  Canadian Mortgage and Housing chief executive Evan Sidell recently stated that if oil prices stay near the $35/barrel mark for 5 years, provinces like Alberta could experience a catastrophic collapse in house prices on the scale of the housing crisis that occurred in the United States 7 years ago.

This comparison to the U.S. housing crisis is valid if you consider conditions in provinces like Alberta. Many attribute the crisis to deregulated financial markets and shoddy lending practices that contributed to defaults on sub-prime mortgages causing insolvency in the banking sector. But too often people forget to ask why mortgage defaults occurred in the first place. At the centre of the crisis was the accumulation of unsustainable levels of debt and record high levels of wealth inequality (Bartolini et al. 2014; De Vogli and Owusu 2015). This changed behavior among consumers, enough of whom decided to spend less and pay off debt, while others could not simply keep up with interest payments and defaulted. This quickly spiraled into a cycle of unemployment, mortgage defaults and home foreclosures in certain regions. These downward spirals spilled over into other regions. Deregulated financial markets transformed the housing crisis into a banking crisis.

Canadians, and Albertans in particular, should not act as if we are immune to this scenario. Household debt levels are at a record high in Canada. Moreover, households in Alberta have been found to be particularly vulnerable to a major economic shock. It is no longer possible to claim our banking rules and mortgage markets are better regulated as major Canadian mortgage lenders are now under investigation. As the repercussions of the oil glut reverberate through the Alberta economy an economic contraction not unlike that which occurred in the United States remains a real possibility.

References:

Bartolini, S. Bonatti, L. and Sarracino, F. 2014. The great recession and the bulimia of US consumers: deep causes and possible ways out. Cambridge Journal of Economics, 38, 1015-1042

De Vogli, R. and Owusu, J. 2015. The causes and health effects of the Great Recession: from neoliberalism to ‘healthy de-growth.’ Critical Public Health, 25(1), 15-31

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Paris November 13, Réflexion

Here is an ensemble of recently published reflections on the Paris attacks by notable thinkers.

Slavoj Zizek writes:

There should be no “deeper understanding” of the ISIS terrorists (in the sense of “their deplorable acts are nonetheless reactions to European brutal interventions”); they should be characterized as what they are: the Islamo-Fascist counterpart of the European anti-immigrant racists—the two are the two sides of the same coin.

Etienne Balibar writes:

So what can we do? At all costs, firstly, we must reflect together and must resist all fear, amalgams, and impulses for vengeance. Clearly, we must take all necessary measures for civil and military protection, for intelligence and for security, in order to prevent terrorist actions or to counteract them, and if possible to judge and punish the perpetrators and accomplices involved. But, in doing so, we must demand the most complete vigilance on the part of  ‘democratic’ states with regard to acts of hatred towards those nationals and residents who, as a result of their origins, beliefs, or ways of life, are singled out as ‘the interior enemy’ by self-proclaimed patriots. And further: require that the same states – when reinforcing their security devices – respect individual and collective rights which are the foundation of their own legitimacy. The examples of the ‘Patriot Act’ and of Guantanamo show us that this is not so easy.

Bruno Latour writes:

But what makes the current situation so much more dismaying is that the crimes committed on 13 November have occurred within a few days of another event about to take place that involves tragedies of a different kind, ones that will require that we come with very different answers to wholly different threats that have nothing to do with ISIS/Daech. I am referring, of course, to the World Climate Change Conference in Paris, the COP21, which we are now liable to deem less serious, less urgent than the police response to the bloody escapades of those machine gun-toting lunatics.

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